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Iraqi War Worries

Bush's Iraqi policies raise red flags, says political expert

Source: Victor
Le Vine, Ph.D - (314)
935-5867
Related: Le
Vine's post-9/11 speech on U.S.
war on terror

[St. Louis, Mo., 9-3-02] - Is
the Bush Administration planning
to commemorate the 9/11 anniversary
with an act of war against Iraq?
Are domestic political agendas,
such as Republican election strategies,
a driving force behind the nation's
foreign policy on Iraq?
These are a few of the troubling
questions raised by Washington
University terrorism and Middle
East political expert Victor Le
Vine in a commentary published
Sept. 1 in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch.
Scarier still, says Le Vine, is
that no one -- not even the president's
closest advisors -- seems to have
the slightest idea what the president
intends to do.
Le Vine, a professor of political
science in Arts & Sciences, is
available for further discussion
of his views on the prospects
and implications of a war with
Iraq. The full text of his commentary
is provided below with permission
of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch.
Bush keeps Saddam -- and Americans -- in the dark

By Victor T. Le Vine

(Published in the Editorial section of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch on Sunday, September 1, 2002.)

It's
good to know that even some of
the president's most important
supporters share our collective
anxiety about the direction his
administration is taking. All
we do know is that he is seriously
thinking about launching some
kind of pre-emptive attack on
Iraq, and that he hasn't decided
when or how; that he has already
pre-positioned troops, aircraft,
naval units and equipment near
the Iraqi periphery, and is in
the process of positioning more;
and that his military planners
have been busy cooking up war
scenarios, some of which were
apparently leaked to the press
by nervous national legislators
and/or their staff people.
Victor Le Vine, Ph.D.

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| Victor Le Vine |
Victor Le Vine, Ph.D., professor of political science in Arts & Sciences, is an expert on African and Middle East Politics, Guerrilla War and Terrorism, International Law and Politics, Political Corruption and Ethnic Politics. He has taught and written extensively on the topic of terrorism. Recent publications include articles on "Conceptualizing 'Ethnicity' and 'Ethnic Conflict'" (Studies in Comparative International Development, Fall, 1997); "The Logomachy of Terrorism" (Terrorism and Political Violence, Winter 1995). His class on "Terrorism and Terrorists" analyzes the use of terror as a political weapon, seen both in historical context and through its contemporary forms. The focused, public demonstration of violence is one of the oldest forms of coercion, employed by those in power as well as by those opposing them, and for reasons that range from religious devotion or rage, to the assertion of authority, to the fulfillment of ideological commitment, to the expression of policy lines. The course explores both the many forms in which terrorism becomes manifest and the mind, personality, and intentions of those involved in it. It also considers the problems of dealing with terrorism and terrorists, including counter-terror, official interdiction, negotiation, security measures, and legislation.
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We
also know that Attorney General
John Ashcroft (and others in the
White House) were angry enough
about leaks to send the FBI to
hunt down the leakers on the Hill,
and that Henry Kissinger, Brent
Scowcroft, James Baker III (major
players under former Republican
administrations), as well as House
Majority Leader Dick Armey and
various senators and congresspeople
on both sides of the aisle are
all scared enough to express their
reservations in print or on the
public media.
So it's good to know that we are
not alone in our anxieties, particularly
since the first anniversary of
9/11 is coming up very soon, and
there is that gnawing worry in
the pit of some of our stomachs
that George W. may be planning
something quite extraordinary
to commemorate the day.
The worst part of it all is the
realization that after reading
what Kissinger, Scowcroft, Baker,
Armey, et al., have said and written
about Iraq and pre-emptive war
and the manifold evils committed
by Saddam Hussein, not one of
them seems to have the slightest
idea what the president intends
to do. He hasn't let Congress
in on his thinking or paid much
attention to Colin Powell's protestations
or consulted anyone except Vice
President Dick Cheney, Defense
Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, Deputy
Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz,
and National Security Adviser
Condoleezza Rice, who collectively
comprise the hawks' faction in
the administration.
Equally in the dark, of course,
is Saddam Hussein, and he has
already issued some of the colorful
bluster for which he is justifiably
famous. One would certainly hope
that if decisions about attacking
Iraq have already been taken,
that Saddam would be kept in the
dark about them, but then of course
he cannot be unaware of all those
hostile preparations taking place
on or close to his borders.
At all events, the president hasn't
taken us, or some of his closest
friends, into his confidence (though
he has promised to clarify and
justify everything soon), and
at this juncture, given all his
friends' warnings and cautionary
words, I'm not sure if I'm not
more worried about the president's
intentions than I am about Saddam's.
If all this were not enough to
worry us, there is more: First,
there is the very real possibility
that decisions about a possible
attack on Iraq are being driven
more by domestic political considerations
than by any threat posed by Saddam
and his regime.
The temptations involved are hardly
negligible. For one, finally settling
Daddy's old score with Saddam,
if it could be accomplished quickly
and decisively, and with only
minimal loss of American life,
would represent a major victory
for George W. and an object lesson
to all those weak-kneed Arabs
in the neighborhood.
And then, of course, again given
speed, decisiveness, and low casualties,
a knockout punch against Saddam
would rally Americans round the
flag and in the rosy aftermath
of victory, very likely give the
Senate back to the Republicans,
reduce the Democrats to inconsequence,
and return George W. to the White
House in 2004.
Second, there is the distressing
possibility that the White House
has no plan, or cannot come up
with one, be it because the president
really cannot make up his mind
or because his advisers are so
divided that no one voice or combination
of voices speaks persuasively
enough to get him off the dime.
This may be a White House intoxicated
with the easy victory over the
Taliban, paralyzed by the grandiose
promises of the war against terrorism
and evil, and mired in the swamp
of self-serving cliches that have,
thus far, passed for a foreign
policy. If so, this is not the
kind of environment in which cool-headed,
rational decisions about Iraq
can be made.
What, me worry? You bet.
Victor T. Le Vine is a professor
of political science at Washington
University in St. Louis.
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